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7th Circuit upholds Indiana's judicial canons

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At a time when the legal community is caught up in controversies about how judges are selected and whether they can remain impartial, the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals has weighed in on that national debate and ruled that states have the authority to self-regulate on those issues as it relates to judicial canons.

With that, a three-judge appellate panel on Aug. 20 upheld Indiana’s judicial canons and found they aren’t unconstitutionally restrictive of free speech.

In Torrey Bauer, David Certo, and Indiana Right to Life v. Randall T. Shepard, et al. No. 09-2963, the panel affirmed a late 2008 ruling by U.S. Judge Theresa Springmann in the Northern District of Indiana that had dismissed the judicial speech case that challenged various parts of the state canons. This case stems from a survey the non-profit group Indiana Right to Life sent to judicial candidates before the election, asking them to state views about policies and court decisions related to abortion, euthanasia, and other issues. Most declined to reply to the survey, citing an advisory opinion from the Judicial Qualifications Commission that warned judicial candidates against making “broad statements on disputed social and legal issues.” But some expressed hesitancy to do so because of the judicial canons.

In an April 2008 suit, the group sued on behalf of Torrey Bauer, an attorney who was a candidate for Kosciusko Superior Court, and Marion Superior Judge David Certo, who at the time was running in that election following his appointment to fill a vacancy.

Specifically, the case involves four conduct code provisions: one that prohibits judges and candidates from making comments that are inconsistent with judicial impartiality; one that requires recusal when impartiality might be reasonably questioned; a third that limits political activities of Indiana’s judges; and a fourth that limits fundraising activities.

Judge Springmann ruled that the Indiana Supreme Court can regulate judicial speech through its canons, and that existing rules don’t violate a judge or judicial candidate’s constitutional free speech or association rights. She’d decided that the original suit challenging the pre-2009 conduct rules was moot.

In upholding the District judge’s ruling, the appellate panel made one minor modification to her judgment: dismissing the case as unripe, rather than moot, in regard to the 2008 version of the judicial canons. Everything else remains intact.

The panel relied on its spring decision in the Wisconsin case of Siefert v. Alexander, 608 F.3fd 974 (7th Circuit 2010), which simultaneously held that the state couldn’t prevent judges from being members of political parties but it could restrict partisan activities such as endorsing a non-judicial candidate or personal fundraising. That decision relied heavily on the Supreme Court of the United States ruling in Republican Party of Minnesota v. White, 536 U.S. 765 (2002), regarding that free-speech issue in relation to judicial elections and campaigns, as well as the more recent ruling last year in Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co., 129 S. Ct. 2252, 2266-67 (2009), and how newer lines of litigation have delved into subtopics.

“The judicial system depends on its reputation for impartiality; it is public acceptance, rather than the sword or the purse, that leads decisions to be obeyed and averts vigilantism and civil strife,” Chief Judge Frank Easterbrook wrote. “Unless a judge who speaks on behalf of a party, or serves as a party’s officer, recuses in all of these cases – which is to say, almost every case that comes before a court – the public would have good reason to believe that the judge is deciding according to the party’s platform rather than the rule of law. Allowing judges to participate in politics would poison the reputation of the whole judiciary, and seriously impair public confidence, without which the judiciary cannot function.”

A large aspect of the 7th Circuit ruling points to the national division on this issue, which could pave the way for additional litigation and appeals.

“Nothing we can do here could create harmony among the circuits, so there is no reason to depart from the approach taken so recently in this circuit,” Chief Judge Easterbrook wrote in the 29-page opinion.

Though judges are not allowed to commit or promise actions, they aren’t prohibited from voicing general opinions or stances about particular issues as long as they don’t discuss their behavior in office, the panel said, noting that conduct not allowed might include judicial candidates saying they’d award damages against drug companies or give all drunk drivers harsh sentences.

The 7th Circuit declined to strike down the canons as a whole even if they contain ambiguity about what “impartiality” means, deciding instead to give the Indiana Judicial Qualifications Commission and Supreme Court a chance to clarify various issues as they are raised.
 

George Patton Patton

Representing the Indiana Judicial Qualifications Commission, attorney George T. Patton at the Washington, D.C., office of Bose McKinney & Evans called the ruling a decisive victory not only for Indiana’s judiciary but for the entire nation.

“This is a tour de force ruling that’s a great win for Indiana,” he said. “This strongly upholds judicial canons and the commission gets broad guidance on how it can ensure an impartial judiciary. This opinion is a clarion call for that, and in my opinion this is the best single federal Court of Appeals opinion on this across the nation.”
 

Jim Bopp Bopp

A week after the ruling, Terre Haute attorney James Bopp for Indiana Right To Life said a decision hadn’t yet been made about the next step in this litigation – whether he would seek a rehearing en banc before the full 7th Circuit or possibly file a writ of certiorari with the Supreme Court of the United States.

But he dismissed the 7th Circuit’s findings as going against the mainstream of what other federal courts have done on these issues.

“While they purport to protect the First Amendment, they are also saying it doesn’t apply when you’re talking about this case,” Bopp said. “I don’t understand how this is consistent with the First Amendment applying and protecting judicial campaigns when in the face of that, (Indiana) can prohibit ordinary campaign practices such as judges asking for money.”•
 

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  1. I have been on this program while on parole from 2011-2013. No person should be forced mentally to share private details of their personal life with total strangers. Also giving permission for a mental therapist to report to your parole agent that your not participating in group therapy because you don't have the financial mean to be in the group therapy. I was personally singled out and sent back three times for not having money and also sent back within the six month when you aren't to be sent according to state law. I will work to het this INSOMM's removed from this state. I also had twelve or thirteen parole agents with a fifteen month period. Thanks for your time.

  2. Our nation produces very few jurists of the caliber of Justice DOUGLAS and his peers these days. Here is that great civil libertarian, who recognized government as both a blessing and, when corrupted by ideological interests, a curse: "Once the investigator has only the conscience of government as a guide, the conscience can become ‘ravenous,’ as Cromwell, bent on destroying Thomas More, said in Bolt, A Man For All Seasons (1960), p. 120. The First Amendment mirrors many episodes where men, harried and harassed by government, sought refuge in their conscience, as these lines of Thomas More show: ‘MORE: And when we stand before God, and you are sent to Paradise for doing according to your conscience, *575 and I am damned for not doing according to mine, will you come with me, for fellowship? ‘CRANMER: So those of us whose names are there are damned, Sir Thomas? ‘MORE: I don't know, Your Grace. I have no window to look into another man's conscience. I condemn no one. ‘CRANMER: Then the matter is capable of question? ‘MORE: Certainly. ‘CRANMER: But that you owe obedience to your King is not capable of question. So weigh a doubt against a certainty—and sign. ‘MORE: Some men think the Earth is round, others think it flat; it is a matter capable of question. But if it is flat, will the King's command make it round? And if it is round, will the King's command flatten it? No, I will not sign.’ Id., pp. 132—133. DOUGLAS THEN WROTE: Where government is the Big Brother,11 privacy gives way to surveillance. **909 But our commitment is otherwise. *576 By the First Amendment we have staked our security on freedom to promote a multiplicity of ideas, to associate at will with kindred spirits, and to defy governmental intrusion into these precincts" Gibson v. Florida Legislative Investigation Comm., 372 U.S. 539, 574-76, 83 S. Ct. 889, 908-09, 9 L. Ed. 2d 929 (1963) Mr. Justice DOUGLAS, concurring. I write: Happy Memorial Day to all -- God please bless our fallen who lived and died to preserve constitutional governance in our wonderful series of Republics. And God open the eyes of those government officials who denounce the constitutions of these Republics by arbitrary actions arising out capricious motives.

  3. From back in the day before secularism got a stranglehold on Hoosier jurists comes this great excerpt via Indiana federal court judge Allan Sharp, dedicated to those many Indiana government attorneys (with whom I have dealt) who count the law as a mere tool, an optional tool that is not to be used when political correctness compels a more acceptable result than merely following the path that the law directs: ALLEN SHARP, District Judge. I. In a scene following a visit by Henry VIII to the home of Sir Thomas More, playwriter Robert Bolt puts the following words into the mouths of his characters: Margaret: Father, that man's bad. MORE: There is no law against that. ROPER: There is! God's law! MORE: Then God can arrest him. ROPER: Sophistication upon sophistication! MORE: No, sheer simplicity. The law, Roper, the law. I know what's legal not what's right. And I'll stick to what's legal. ROPER: Then you set man's law above God's! MORE: No, far below; but let me draw your attention to a fact I'm not God. The currents and eddies of right and wrong, which you find such plain sailing, I can't navigate. I'm no voyager. But in the thickets of law, oh, there I'm a forester. I doubt if there's a man alive who could follow me there, thank God... ALICE: (Exasperated, pointing after Rich) While you talk, he's gone! MORE: And go he should, if he was the Devil himself, until he broke the law! ROPER: So now you'd give the Devil benefit of law! MORE: Yes. What would you do? Cut a great road through the law to get after the Devil? ROPER: I'd cut down every law in England to do that! MORE: (Roused and excited) Oh? (Advances on Roper) And when the last law was down, and the Devil turned round on you where would you hide, Roper, the laws being flat? (He leaves *1257 him) This country's planted thick with laws from coast to coast man's laws, not God's and if you cut them down and you're just the man to do it d'you really think you would stand upright in the winds that would blow then? (Quietly) Yes, I'd give the Devil benefit of law, for my own safety's sake. ROPER: I have long suspected this; this is the golden calf; the law's your god. MORE: (Wearily) Oh, Roper, you're a fool, God's my god... (Rather bitterly) But I find him rather too (Very bitterly) subtle... I don't know where he is nor what he wants. ROPER: My God wants service, to the end and unremitting; nothing else! MORE: (Dryly) Are you sure that's God! He sounds like Moloch. But indeed it may be God And whoever hunts for me, Roper, God or Devil, will find me hiding in the thickets of the law! And I'll hide my daughter with me! Not hoist her up the mainmast of your seagoing principles! They put about too nimbly! (Exit More. They all look after him). Pgs. 65-67, A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS A Play in Two Acts, Robert Bolt, Random House, New York, 1960. Linley E. Pearson, Atty. Gen. of Indiana, Indianapolis, for defendants. Childs v. Duckworth, 509 F. Supp. 1254, 1256 (N.D. Ind. 1981) aff'd, 705 F.2d 915 (7th Cir. 1983)

  4. "Meanwhile small- and mid-size firms are getting squeezed and likely will not survive unless they become a boutique firm." I've been a business attorney in small, and now mid-size firm for over 30 years, and for over 30 years legal consultants have been preaching this exact same mantra of impending doom for small and mid-sized firms -- verbatim. This claim apparently helps them gin up merger opportunities from smaller firms who become convinced that they need to become larger overnight. The claim that large corporations are interested in cost-saving and efficiency has likewise been preached for decades, and is likewise bunk. If large corporations had any real interest in saving money they wouldn't use large law firms whose rates are substantially higher than those of high-quality mid-sized firms.

  5. The family is the foundation of all human government. That is the Grand Design. Modern governments throw off this Design and make bureaucratic war against the family, as does Hollywood and cultural elitists such as third wave feminists. Since WWII we have been on a ship of fools that way, with both the elite and government and their social engineering hacks relentlessly attacking the very foundation of social order. And their success? See it in the streets of Fergusson, on the food stamp doles (mostly broken families)and in the above article. Reject the Grand Design for true social function, enter the Glorious State to manage social dysfunction. Our Brave New World will be a prison camp, and we will welcome it as the only way to manage given the anarchy without it.

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