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Does marriage amendment need to be amended?

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marriage_facts.jpgQuestions over how to fix the troublesome second sentence of Indiana’s increasingly controversial marriage amendment have sparked much speculation and led to one unexpected – and untested – solution.

Less than a week after the Indiana General Assembly began the 2014 session, the constitutional provision banning same-sex marriage was headed to the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee. As federal judges scrutinize similar bans in Utah and Ohio, the Indiana amendment appeared set to gain approval from both chambers before the end of January.

However, when legislators vote on the amendment, they could also be casting votes on an accompanying bill meant to explain the intent of the General Assembly. House Bill 1153, introduced by Rep. Eric Turner, R-Cicero, attempts to skirt concerns with the amendment by listing what the constitutional

ban would not restrict.

The measure drew immediate and strong reaction from the opposite side of the aisle.

Rep. Matt Pierce, D-Bloomington, described HB 1153 as a “catalogue of flaws in the amendment,” and questioned if the bill, should it become law, would have the effect the Republicans believe it will.

“They know the second sentence is fraught with all kinds of unintended consequences and they’re trying to explain them away without amending the proposed amendment,” Pierce said.

House of Representatives Speaker Brian Bosma, R-Indianapolis, maintained the bill answers the “valid questions” that have arisen from the proposed marriage amendment. Turner’s legislation, he said, addresses concerns over the potential impact on human rights ordinances while spelling out that domestic partner benefits, powers of attorney and other agreements people enter into will still be valid.

“I think it’s clear that regardless of what the Legislature does, even if it does nothing, there’s going to be a lawsuit filed here as there has been in 30-plus other states on these issues,” Bosma said. “So we felt it was quite appropriate to give the courts and voters, if it passes, and legislators some clarity on precisely what the language does and does not do.”

Making a tweak

The process for amending the Indiana Constitution requires that a proposal be approved by two consecutive General Assemblies, then ratified by the electorate.

Over the past 10 years, amendments defining marriage as between one man and one woman have been filed in the Statehouse but were stalled in the Democrat-controlled House. The current proposed provision was first approved during the 2011 legislative session and must be green-lighted this session or the process to constitutionally ban same-sex marriage will have to start over.

Much of the focus on the amendment has been with the second sentence, which could be interpreted as banning heterosexual relationships. To fix this problem, the possibility has been raised of rewriting or dropping the sentence and still continuing with the ratification process.

Geoffrey Slaughter, partner at Taft Stettinius & Hollister LLP, is among those who believe an alteration would require a new beginning.
 

geoff slaughter Slaughter

He pointed to the legislative process where a bill that undergoes even a minor change has to be reapproved by both the House and Senate. That procedure seems to set a precedent for starting over whenever a proposed amendment to the state constitution is altered, he said.

Neither Indiana caselaw nor legislative history provide a clear answer. In 1965, lawmakers did not start the amendment process over when, during the second presentation, it dropped language in a proposed change to Article 10 of the Indiana Constitution. Five years later, the General Assembly corrected scrivener errors in an overhaul of Article 7 that substantially changed the state’s judiciary. The amendment was subsequently challenged on several grounds in the Indiana Court of Appeals and Supreme Court, but the judges demurred on ruling whether the revisions were substantial enough to cause a restart.

In 1994, when the Legislature set about amending Article 16 which, ironically, details the steps for amending the state constitution, the process started over because a phrase was removed from the end of a sentence.

Former Senate President Pro Tem Robert Garton, R-Columbus, is considered the driving force behind getting that General Assembly to go back to the beginning. His insistence on following the rules was reinforced when, as a young state senator, he watched two Senate presidents get hauled away to jail.

Looking at the wording in the constitution, Garton asserted any change made to the same-sex marriage amendment would require the process start over. Specifically, the language of Article 16 says “the amendment” rather than “the revised amendment” or “the changed amendment,” which to Garton means no changes are allowed on second presentation.

“The constitution is not that difficult to read,” he said. “It’s rather plain language, ‘the amendment’ is ‘the amendment.’”

Moving forward

Although HB 1153 is viewed as alleviating the need to rework the amendment, it may not insulate the proposed provision in the courtroom.

Pierce raised the question of whether the courts would even consider the interpretation provided by the bill when faced with a challenge to the same-sex ban. The Indiana Constitution is not subservient to the state statutes, he said, which makes it likely that the judiciary will look at the language of the amendment and make its own interpretation of the second sentence.

However, Bosma said HB 1153 keeps the process moving forward and enables the General Assembly, and possibly the public, to make the decision about what constitutes marriage.

“I think it’s right for the Legislature to make this decision and not a judge and that’s why I, personally, support the amendment,” he said. “If I thought it was disastrous for Indiana, we wouldn’t be doing it.”

Jane Henegar, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Indiana, disagreed, saying the amendment should not be put to popular vote. It limits individual rights that the Founding Fathers enshrined in the Bill of Rights to protect personal freedoms from harm.


henegar-jane-mug Henegar

Henegar said the Legislature should not try to be clever in fixing the amendment and instead should defeat it. The ACLU of Indiana is preparing if the constitutional provision does pass through the Statehouse.

“We’ll look at every option and try to refute (the amendment) in whatever form it may survive the Legislature,” Henegar said.

Shifting ground

Since the General Assembly approved this most recent version of the marriage amendment three years ago, public attitude toward the subject has shifted dramatically. Perceptions of same-sex couples have changed not only in the public square but also in the federal courts.

“What are we really doing this for,” asked Jon Laramore, partner at Faegre Baker Daniels LLP, “because the federal courts may trump the effort, at least in some respects.”


Jon Laramore Laramore

Unanswered is the question of whether states that ban same-sex marriage will have to recognize those marriages performed in states that do not prohibit that type of union. Indiana’s law against gay marriage and its potential constitutional ban would only be binding to state courts. The federal courts could apply federal law to rule that same-sex marriages performed in Iowa or Illinois are also valid in Indiana.

Even before Indiana’s amendment reaches the court, it may become a moot point. Voters will have final say on the provision if it appears on the 2014 ballot.

Garton’s experience with the same-sex marriage ban is telling. He voted for an amendment prohibiting marriage between individuals of the same gender but he was not upset when the measure failed to get through the House. The opinions from the opposition resonated with him, especially the arguments that characterized the ban as a civil rights issue.

He does not have a definite answer as to whether a ban should be enacted but his uncertainty reflects how opinions have turned around.

“I can’t say I’m comfortable with it,” Garton said of same-sex marriage. “The issue has changed, public attitude has changed. It’s a question if it should be in the Constitution.”•

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  1. Applause, applause, applause ..... but, is this duty to serve the constitutional order not much more incumbent upon the State, whose only aim is to be pure and unadulterated justice, than defense counsel, who is also charged with gaining a result for a client? I agree both are responsible, but it seems to me that the government attorneys bear a burden much heavier than defense counsel .... "“I note, much as we did in Mechling v. State, 16 N.E.3d 1015 (Ind. Ct. App. 2014), trans. denied, that the attorneys representing the State and the defendant are both officers of the court and have a responsibility to correct any obvious errors at the time they are committed."

  2. Do I have to hire an attorney to get co-guardianship of my brother? My father has guardianship and my older sister was his co-guardian until this Dec 2014 when she passed and my father was me to go on as the co-guardian, but funds are limit and we need to get this process taken care of quickly as our fathers health isn't the greatest. So please advise me if there is anyway to do this our self or if it requires a lawyer? Thank you

  3. I have been on this program while on parole from 2011-2013. No person should be forced mentally to share private details of their personal life with total strangers. Also giving permission for a mental therapist to report to your parole agent that your not participating in group therapy because you don't have the financial mean to be in the group therapy. I was personally singled out and sent back three times for not having money and also sent back within the six month when you aren't to be sent according to state law. I will work to het this INSOMM's removed from this state. I also had twelve or thirteen parole agents with a fifteen month period. Thanks for your time.

  4. Our nation produces very few jurists of the caliber of Justice DOUGLAS and his peers these days. Here is that great civil libertarian, who recognized government as both a blessing and, when corrupted by ideological interests, a curse: "Once the investigator has only the conscience of government as a guide, the conscience can become ‘ravenous,’ as Cromwell, bent on destroying Thomas More, said in Bolt, A Man For All Seasons (1960), p. 120. The First Amendment mirrors many episodes where men, harried and harassed by government, sought refuge in their conscience, as these lines of Thomas More show: ‘MORE: And when we stand before God, and you are sent to Paradise for doing according to your conscience, *575 and I am damned for not doing according to mine, will you come with me, for fellowship? ‘CRANMER: So those of us whose names are there are damned, Sir Thomas? ‘MORE: I don't know, Your Grace. I have no window to look into another man's conscience. I condemn no one. ‘CRANMER: Then the matter is capable of question? ‘MORE: Certainly. ‘CRANMER: But that you owe obedience to your King is not capable of question. So weigh a doubt against a certainty—and sign. ‘MORE: Some men think the Earth is round, others think it flat; it is a matter capable of question. But if it is flat, will the King's command make it round? And if it is round, will the King's command flatten it? No, I will not sign.’ Id., pp. 132—133. DOUGLAS THEN WROTE: Where government is the Big Brother,11 privacy gives way to surveillance. **909 But our commitment is otherwise. *576 By the First Amendment we have staked our security on freedom to promote a multiplicity of ideas, to associate at will with kindred spirits, and to defy governmental intrusion into these precincts" Gibson v. Florida Legislative Investigation Comm., 372 U.S. 539, 574-76, 83 S. Ct. 889, 908-09, 9 L. Ed. 2d 929 (1963) Mr. Justice DOUGLAS, concurring. I write: Happy Memorial Day to all -- God please bless our fallen who lived and died to preserve constitutional governance in our wonderful series of Republics. And God open the eyes of those government officials who denounce the constitutions of these Republics by arbitrary actions arising out capricious motives.

  5. From back in the day before secularism got a stranglehold on Hoosier jurists comes this great excerpt via Indiana federal court judge Allan Sharp, dedicated to those many Indiana government attorneys (with whom I have dealt) who count the law as a mere tool, an optional tool that is not to be used when political correctness compels a more acceptable result than merely following the path that the law directs: ALLEN SHARP, District Judge. I. In a scene following a visit by Henry VIII to the home of Sir Thomas More, playwriter Robert Bolt puts the following words into the mouths of his characters: Margaret: Father, that man's bad. MORE: There is no law against that. ROPER: There is! God's law! MORE: Then God can arrest him. ROPER: Sophistication upon sophistication! MORE: No, sheer simplicity. The law, Roper, the law. I know what's legal not what's right. And I'll stick to what's legal. ROPER: Then you set man's law above God's! MORE: No, far below; but let me draw your attention to a fact I'm not God. The currents and eddies of right and wrong, which you find such plain sailing, I can't navigate. I'm no voyager. But in the thickets of law, oh, there I'm a forester. I doubt if there's a man alive who could follow me there, thank God... ALICE: (Exasperated, pointing after Rich) While you talk, he's gone! MORE: And go he should, if he was the Devil himself, until he broke the law! ROPER: So now you'd give the Devil benefit of law! MORE: Yes. What would you do? Cut a great road through the law to get after the Devil? ROPER: I'd cut down every law in England to do that! MORE: (Roused and excited) Oh? (Advances on Roper) And when the last law was down, and the Devil turned round on you where would you hide, Roper, the laws being flat? (He leaves *1257 him) This country's planted thick with laws from coast to coast man's laws, not God's and if you cut them down and you're just the man to do it d'you really think you would stand upright in the winds that would blow then? (Quietly) Yes, I'd give the Devil benefit of law, for my own safety's sake. ROPER: I have long suspected this; this is the golden calf; the law's your god. MORE: (Wearily) Oh, Roper, you're a fool, God's my god... (Rather bitterly) But I find him rather too (Very bitterly) subtle... I don't know where he is nor what he wants. ROPER: My God wants service, to the end and unremitting; nothing else! MORE: (Dryly) Are you sure that's God! He sounds like Moloch. But indeed it may be God And whoever hunts for me, Roper, God or Devil, will find me hiding in the thickets of the law! And I'll hide my daughter with me! Not hoist her up the mainmast of your seagoing principles! They put about too nimbly! (Exit More. They all look after him). Pgs. 65-67, A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS A Play in Two Acts, Robert Bolt, Random House, New York, 1960. Linley E. Pearson, Atty. Gen. of Indiana, Indianapolis, for defendants. Childs v. Duckworth, 509 F. Supp. 1254, 1256 (N.D. Ind. 1981) aff'd, 705 F.2d 915 (7th Cir. 1983)

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