ILNews

Hoosiers play integral roles in historic military commissions

Back to TopCommentsE-mailPrintBookmark and Share

The words Indianapolis attorney Richard Kammen used to describe the trials taking place at Guantanamo Bay are jarring – “legally grotesque situation,” “huge stain on American justice,” “secret expedient rigged justice.”

Then he noted the situation of alleged terrorists being put on trial for acts of terrorism and murder is not black and white. There is enormous heartbreak on the side of the defendants and their families as well as on the side of the victims and their families.

Still, the military commissions – a hybrid system which combines elements from federal and military courts that is being used to try the accused terrorists – have long raised concerns about fairness and due process.

“No one could look at what’s going on in these commissions and conclude that they’re anything other than secret, truncated, expedient justice that has only one goal and that is not to seek the truth but to ensure that these people are convicted and executed,” Kammen said.

A nationally known death penalty defense lawyer, Kammen, of Kammen & Moudy, is lead attorney on the defense team of Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, identified by the U.S. government as the alleged mastermind behind the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole which killed 17 crew members and wounded 39 others. The Saudi is being held in Guantanamo Bay and tried under the military commissions system where, if he is found guilty, he will face the death penalty.

The military commissions established in 2001 by the Bush administration were intended to try enemy combatants suspected of terrorism. Five years later, the Supreme Court of the United States upended the process by ruling in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006), that the military commissions violated the Uniform Code of Military Justice and the Geneva Conventions.
 

gitmo-coin-15col.jpg Indiana Justice Steven David holds a challenge coin he helped design while working at Guantanamo Bay as chief defense counsel. (IL Photo/ Marilyn Odendahl)

When the Supreme Court issued its opinion, Indiana Justice Steven David was at Guantanamo Bay serving as the interim staff judge advocate. (At that time, David was a Boone Circuit judge who had been called to active duty.) He pulled the decision from the fax machine and began reading to determine whether the SCOTUS ruling meant the detainees had to be released.

The detainees stayed, but the trials were put on hold until Congress created the Military Commissions Act of 2009 which gave the defendants some rights such as the right to attend their own trials.

Subsequently, David was promoted to chief defense counsel and put in charge of an office that ballooned from 15 people managing fewer than five cases to more than 100 people handling 25-plus cases. His primary responsibility was hiring and training civilian defense attorneys to represent the detainees.

He compared the creation of the hybrid system at Guantanamo to building a railroad as the train was running. David did not help craft the military commissions nor make any decisions regarding how they would function.

At that time, he remembered, the nation was struggling with distinguishing which detainees were merely soldiers and which were masterminds. The country was wrestling with how to treat the different detainees. Yet, he conceded that many believed the defendants could be tried in federal courts.

“Occasionally, I would say we could get a faster, fairer trial in Indiana, but that didn’t go very far,” David said.

Kammen agreed, saying the federal courts could handle the trials of the Guantanamo detainees just as the courts handled the trial of Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh. Kammen fears if the military commissions are deemed to be successful, they could easily be expanded to try American citizens.

Asked about the differences between defending someone at Guantanamo with someone in Indiana, he paused, let out a breath and muttered to himself, “Boy, where do you begin?”

al-Nashiri was captured in 2002 and held for four years in a CIA black site. Kammen said the government has admitted that al-Nashiri was physically, psychologically and sexually tortured during that time, and he sees an undercurrent of this case as the government’s attempt to keep secret what occurred in those ghost detention centers.

A complicating factor in the al-Nashiri prosecution is the amount of information that has been classified and how the government keeps this information from public view. Every time Kammen leaves Guantanamo, his notes are sealed and put into a high-security computer which means whenever he wants to review those notes, he has to travel to Washington, D.C., to access the computer.

Even pulling a court filing requires wading through multiple layers of secrecy and bureaucracy. To review a six-page motion, Kammen had to fly, again, to Washington. Then to talk about it with opposing counsel, he had to meet the military lawyer in a sensitive compartmented information facility.

On top of this, the defense team is not permitted to discuss the classified information with their client.

Kammen next highlighted hearsay rules as an example of how frustrating the process is at Guantanamo. Rather than calling all the witnesses the FBI interviewed during its investigation of the Cole bombing, the military commission is going to allow the federal agents to take the stand and read the 77 statements from the 66 witnesses.

One of al-Nashiri’s original attorneys, Nancy Hollander, attorney at Freedman Boyd Hollander Goldberg Urias & Ward P.A. in New Mexico, asked Kammen to join the defense team once her client was charged with the death penalty.

She echoed the criticism of the proceedings, calling them scary and a place where American justice does not exist.

“I think our job is to do the very best we can and to do everything we can to save (al-Nashiri’s) life and to show this court is a sham,” Hollander said.

Kammen sees the defense as being powerless in this process, so his goal is to be the voice of truth. The microphone and court reporter are creating a record which scholars 20 or 30 years from now will be able to review and draw conclusions.

“Ideally, history will judge that we were the ones who were speaking the truth to the power in all of this,” Kammen said.

One of the court reporters creating the transcripts is James Connor, president of Connor Reporting in Indiana. The reporters work in a separate room, watching the proceedings on a video feed that has a 40-second delay to allow the judge to cut any classified information that comes out in court.

The hearings begin at 9 a.m. and usually conclude at 5 p.m. There is a break for lunch as well as an afternoon recess to allow the defendants to place their prayer rugs and pray. The final transcripts are completed within two hours after the hearings close each day.

“I think this is such a different process from our normal trial procedures, and once completed and examined, in hindsight, many lessons will be taken away from this whole process,” Connor said.

When people look back and examine these proceedings, David hopes the focus will be on things like trial strategy and newly discovered evidence rather than the fundamental system itself. The current challenge, he said, is ensuring the military commissions are as credible as they can possibly be.

“That’s where I wish everybody would focus their discussion on, how do we make this credible, how do we make it more credible and how do we get on the other side of this so that we can get through this,” David said. “That’s the challenge.”•

Read more about the U.S. Military Commission Observation Project at IU McKinney School of Law, in which students, faculty and alumni will watch the hearings and blog about their impressions.

ADVERTISEMENT

Post a comment to this story

COMMENTS POLICY
We reserve the right to remove any post that we feel is obscene, profane, vulgar, racist, sexually explicit, abusive, or hateful.
 
You are legally responsible for what you post and your anonymity is not guaranteed.
 
Posts that insult, defame, threaten, harass or abuse other readers or people mentioned in Indiana Lawyer editorial content are also subject to removal. Please respect the privacy of individuals and refrain from posting personal information.
 
No solicitations, spamming or advertisements are allowed. Readers may post links to other informational websites that are relevant to the topic at hand, but please do not link to objectionable material.
 
We may remove messages that are unrelated to the topic, encourage illegal activity, use all capital letters or are unreadable.
 

Messages that are flagged by readers as objectionable will be reviewed and may or may not be removed. Please do not flag a post simply because you disagree with it.

Sponsored by
ADVERTISEMENT
Subscribe to Indiana Lawyer
  1. I have been on this program while on parole from 2011-2013. No person should be forced mentally to share private details of their personal life with total strangers. Also giving permission for a mental therapist to report to your parole agent that your not participating in group therapy because you don't have the financial mean to be in the group therapy. I was personally singled out and sent back three times for not having money and also sent back within the six month when you aren't to be sent according to state law. I will work to het this INSOMM's removed from this state. I also had twelve or thirteen parole agents with a fifteen month period. Thanks for your time.

  2. Our nation produces very few jurists of the caliber of Justice DOUGLAS and his peers these days. Here is that great civil libertarian, who recognized government as both a blessing and, when corrupted by ideological interests, a curse: "Once the investigator has only the conscience of government as a guide, the conscience can become ‘ravenous,’ as Cromwell, bent on destroying Thomas More, said in Bolt, A Man For All Seasons (1960), p. 120. The First Amendment mirrors many episodes where men, harried and harassed by government, sought refuge in their conscience, as these lines of Thomas More show: ‘MORE: And when we stand before God, and you are sent to Paradise for doing according to your conscience, *575 and I am damned for not doing according to mine, will you come with me, for fellowship? ‘CRANMER: So those of us whose names are there are damned, Sir Thomas? ‘MORE: I don't know, Your Grace. I have no window to look into another man's conscience. I condemn no one. ‘CRANMER: Then the matter is capable of question? ‘MORE: Certainly. ‘CRANMER: But that you owe obedience to your King is not capable of question. So weigh a doubt against a certainty—and sign. ‘MORE: Some men think the Earth is round, others think it flat; it is a matter capable of question. But if it is flat, will the King's command make it round? And if it is round, will the King's command flatten it? No, I will not sign.’ Id., pp. 132—133. DOUGLAS THEN WROTE: Where government is the Big Brother,11 privacy gives way to surveillance. **909 But our commitment is otherwise. *576 By the First Amendment we have staked our security on freedom to promote a multiplicity of ideas, to associate at will with kindred spirits, and to defy governmental intrusion into these precincts" Gibson v. Florida Legislative Investigation Comm., 372 U.S. 539, 574-76, 83 S. Ct. 889, 908-09, 9 L. Ed. 2d 929 (1963) Mr. Justice DOUGLAS, concurring. I write: Happy Memorial Day to all -- God please bless our fallen who lived and died to preserve constitutional governance in our wonderful series of Republics. And God open the eyes of those government officials who denounce the constitutions of these Republics by arbitrary actions arising out capricious motives.

  3. From back in the day before secularism got a stranglehold on Hoosier jurists comes this great excerpt via Indiana federal court judge Allan Sharp, dedicated to those many Indiana government attorneys (with whom I have dealt) who count the law as a mere tool, an optional tool that is not to be used when political correctness compels a more acceptable result than merely following the path that the law directs: ALLEN SHARP, District Judge. I. In a scene following a visit by Henry VIII to the home of Sir Thomas More, playwriter Robert Bolt puts the following words into the mouths of his characters: Margaret: Father, that man's bad. MORE: There is no law against that. ROPER: There is! God's law! MORE: Then God can arrest him. ROPER: Sophistication upon sophistication! MORE: No, sheer simplicity. The law, Roper, the law. I know what's legal not what's right. And I'll stick to what's legal. ROPER: Then you set man's law above God's! MORE: No, far below; but let me draw your attention to a fact I'm not God. The currents and eddies of right and wrong, which you find such plain sailing, I can't navigate. I'm no voyager. But in the thickets of law, oh, there I'm a forester. I doubt if there's a man alive who could follow me there, thank God... ALICE: (Exasperated, pointing after Rich) While you talk, he's gone! MORE: And go he should, if he was the Devil himself, until he broke the law! ROPER: So now you'd give the Devil benefit of law! MORE: Yes. What would you do? Cut a great road through the law to get after the Devil? ROPER: I'd cut down every law in England to do that! MORE: (Roused and excited) Oh? (Advances on Roper) And when the last law was down, and the Devil turned round on you where would you hide, Roper, the laws being flat? (He leaves *1257 him) This country's planted thick with laws from coast to coast man's laws, not God's and if you cut them down and you're just the man to do it d'you really think you would stand upright in the winds that would blow then? (Quietly) Yes, I'd give the Devil benefit of law, for my own safety's sake. ROPER: I have long suspected this; this is the golden calf; the law's your god. MORE: (Wearily) Oh, Roper, you're a fool, God's my god... (Rather bitterly) But I find him rather too (Very bitterly) subtle... I don't know where he is nor what he wants. ROPER: My God wants service, to the end and unremitting; nothing else! MORE: (Dryly) Are you sure that's God! He sounds like Moloch. But indeed it may be God And whoever hunts for me, Roper, God or Devil, will find me hiding in the thickets of the law! And I'll hide my daughter with me! Not hoist her up the mainmast of your seagoing principles! They put about too nimbly! (Exit More. They all look after him). Pgs. 65-67, A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS A Play in Two Acts, Robert Bolt, Random House, New York, 1960. Linley E. Pearson, Atty. Gen. of Indiana, Indianapolis, for defendants. Childs v. Duckworth, 509 F. Supp. 1254, 1256 (N.D. Ind. 1981) aff'd, 705 F.2d 915 (7th Cir. 1983)

  4. "Meanwhile small- and mid-size firms are getting squeezed and likely will not survive unless they become a boutique firm." I've been a business attorney in small, and now mid-size firm for over 30 years, and for over 30 years legal consultants have been preaching this exact same mantra of impending doom for small and mid-sized firms -- verbatim. This claim apparently helps them gin up merger opportunities from smaller firms who become convinced that they need to become larger overnight. The claim that large corporations are interested in cost-saving and efficiency has likewise been preached for decades, and is likewise bunk. If large corporations had any real interest in saving money they wouldn't use large law firms whose rates are substantially higher than those of high-quality mid-sized firms.

  5. The family is the foundation of all human government. That is the Grand Design. Modern governments throw off this Design and make bureaucratic war against the family, as does Hollywood and cultural elitists such as third wave feminists. Since WWII we have been on a ship of fools that way, with both the elite and government and their social engineering hacks relentlessly attacking the very foundation of social order. And their success? See it in the streets of Fergusson, on the food stamp doles (mostly broken families)and in the above article. Reject the Grand Design for true social function, enter the Glorious State to manage social dysfunction. Our Brave New World will be a prison camp, and we will welcome it as the only way to manage given the anarchy without it.

ADVERTISEMENT